Expedition to Oyster River

Expedition to Oyster River - Preparations

The spring of 1694 brought an urgent renewal of the French and Indian plan to organize a war party. By early April, in answer to the summons of Villebon, Indians began to gather at Pentagoet. [69]From Fort Nashwaak, Villebon set his plan in motion. On the sixteenth, he dispatched a Recollet friar to Meductic, a village a short distance up the St. John's from Nashwaak. Villebon instructed the priest to tell the Indians "that they were all to hold themselves in readiness, one party to go with me to await the vessels at the mouth of the river, and the other to join the force which was being collected at Pentagoet." [70]

The next step for Villebon was to bring in Villieu and get him to carry out his orders. With Thury's arrival on April 20, he found a ready and able ally. Villieu, in his account of the expedition, makes no mention of a meeting with Villebon and Thury, preferring instead to highlight his own patriotic zeal. [71]In a marginal note next to Villieu's log entry, Villebon remembers the episode quite differently: "This has made it necessary to inform the Government that the Sr. de Villieu, from the time of his arrival at Fort Nashwaak, had so little idea of joining the Indians on the war-path that the Sr. de Villebon was obliged to send for him and say, in the presence of M. de Thury, missionary, to whom he should have referred, that, as the Indians were ready to form a large war party, he had summoned him to find out if he were willing to go with them. He replied, thereupon, that he would do whatever he desired, and made his preparations for departure." [72]The presence of Thury appears to have shamed Villieu into the performance of his duty.

Villebon, intending for Villieu to act as France's representative, ordered him to Pentagoet. Villieu was to "assure the Indians of the King's protection and of the danger in which they placed themselves by negotiation with the English, who, under the guise of friendship and extensive trade, would not fail to betray them as they had done in the past. 3173 On April 23, a canoe carrying Villieu, Thury, and their supplies departed Fort Nashwaak for Meductic. [74]This first leg of their journey took only a couple of days. Situated on the west bank of the St. John's, the village marked the start of the main east-west portage. From there, it was a short march to the Eel River and eventually on to Pentagoet.

Villieu and Thury received a cordial welcome upon putting in to shore. The friar sent by Villebon the week before had done his job well. The Indians of the village were held in readiness just as Villebon requested. Villieu reported the circumstances of their arrival in a light that was a little more favorable to him. In his account, Villieu wrote that it was he who had asked the Meductic Indians "to go on the war-path with the Pentagoet Indians, informing them that he had been sent from France to lead them against the English." [75]Villieu further reported that the Indians could not decide what to do, "deferring their answer until the following day." [76]During this second council, the Indians pledged themselves to him, saying "that they were ready to join him and would not leave him until many heads were broken." [77]To reward the Indians' fidelity, Villieu gave them a feast.

In light of the fact that the friar sent by Villebon had been at Meductic for over a week, it can be said that Villieu's recollections were somewhat colored. Villebon enjoyed considerable influence among the St. John's River Indians and noted the regularity with which they responded to his requests. In a marginal note to Villieu's log entry, Villebon called Villieu's statement concerning the Indians' indecision an outright lie, saying that, "Nothing could be more false." [78]Villebon further states that Villieu's comments are, "imaginary, since they were already pledged to the Indians of Pentagoet." [79]Villebon later wrote that "where he erred was in telling the Indians, that they were to follow him." [80]

Villieu and Thury left Meductic on April 26, heading west toward Mattawamkeag. [81]Arriving at the village on the thirtieth, the pair was pleased to find that Taxous, in response to Villebon's invitation the previous fall, was heading east along the same route. Taxous had lately come from Pentagoet where a mighty gathering of Indians had already taken place. Father Bigot, a colleague of Thury's with a mission on the Kennebec River, had come hither with the leading chiefs of the Kennebec tribe. Together with Taxous, they determined a plan of action and selected a target. Villebon wrote of this council: "The determination of the Indians to make war on the English was so strong that, before the arrival of the Srs. de Villieu and Thury, Father Bigot had been to Pentagoet with the leading chiefs of the Kennebecs, who had held council with the chiefs of Pentagoet and even considered the place to be attacked." [82]

Villebon's description of the council at Pentagoet reveals two important facts. First, from the start, the Indians were acting independently and not under the direction of Villieu. Although Villieu accompanied them and provided input, he did not lead them. Secondly, the Indians discussed among themselves where exactly to attack. Villebon's account is consistent with, and helps explain, Cotton Mather's statement: "`Tis affirmed by English captives which were then at Canada that the desolation of Oyster River was commonly talk'd in the streets of Quebec two months before it was effected." [83]As missionaries were in contact with their superiors in Quebec, it is likely that Bigot sent word of the council's decision to them. Taxous, when meeting Villieu, was on his way to report this progress to Villebon.

In his description of this council, Villebon exposes another Villieu half-truth. Villieu reports that he prevailed upon Taxous to accompany him to Passadumkeag, the main village of the Penobscots. This Taxous agreed to do and together they arrived in the early morning hours of May 2. At a feast held that evening, Villieu addressed the warriors. He urged them to follow him, "assuring them they would not fail to strike an important blow and by it acquire reputation, as well as plunder." [84]The warriors indicated that they were ready, but needed to receive their presents before they could set out. Presents usually consisted of war material, such as powder, shot, and guns. Villieu agreed and invited them to return to Fort Nashwaak.

When the warriors arrived at Nashwaak on May 13, it was clear that Villebon was surprised to see them. Villebon assumed that Villieu had followed his orders, going immediately to Pentagoet to join the Indians gathering there. It would have been more expedient to send a runner to Villebon requesting the shipment of supplies to Pentagoet. Villebon was unaware that Villieu had only traveled as far as Passadumkeag. Upon speaking with the Indians, Villebon learned that Villieu had spent much of his time trading furs. It was evident to Villebon that "the pretext of accompanying the Indians [back to Nashwaak]was merely to safeguard the trading operations which he, in a manner unbecoming to an officer, carried on at Pentagoet." [85]Villebon recorded that Villieu "returned from Pentagoet to bring back five bales of beaver skins and other pelts which he had obtained by trading." [86]The Indians themselves stated that Villieu had more, but they "abandoned some of his pelts beyond the portage." [87]

Nevertheless, a special feast was put on at Nashwaak to honor the chiefs of the war-party. At some point, a second feast was given for the young men to incite them to war. During these feasts, Villebon ceremonially adopted Taxous as his brother. Villebon stated that, "This was done, partly to place him under the obligation to take special care of the Sr. de Villieu and not to abandon him during the campaign." [88]To honor Taxous further, Villebon presented him with the best laced suit he could find. Villebon knew that the Indians "hold a single officer of small account among a large number of warriors, especially when he has no knowledge of the neighbourhood or of the enemy's country." [89]It would not do to have France's representative lost during the expedition. This point appears to have been wasted on Villieu. Villieu overestimated his importance to the expedition, believing himself to be in control.

As the feasting drew to a close, Villebon passed out the presents Villieu had promised. Upon taking his leave of Villebon, Taxous assured him that, "although he was going to gather together a large war-party, he would not stop there but would make up another immediately after the first and induce Madockawando to join him, or render him contemptible to all the young Indians." [90]With two targets in mind, the war-party left Nashwaak on May 16. After a brief stopover at Meductic, they continued on to Pentagoet, arriving there on May 25. Here, the Indians divided their presents and discovered that they "had received only a portion" of what they had expected. [91]Villebon's breach of protocol proved a serious insult to the Indians. Villieu reported that "they murmured loudly," and that this "almost destroyed their goodwill." [92]

While Villieu did his best to mollify the unrest caused by Villebon's indiscretion, Madockawando arrived with news that threatened to put an end to the expedition. Instead of attending the Pentagoet council in April, Madockawando and Edgermett, a principal Kennebec chief, had traveled to Pemaquid for a meeting with Governor Phips. On May 27, they returned, bringing the news that the English would deliver up their prisoners in one month's time. [93]With a major objective of the war about to be achieved, enthusiasm for the expedition diminished. To further cement good relations, the English offered to send a "priest" to teach the Indian children to read and write. Until this point, Thury had remained relatively quiet. He may have even derived amusement from Villieu's vain and amateurish attempts at leading this Indian war-party. Now, upon hearing of the English minister, Thury "took vigorous measures to assure the success of the Sr. de Villieu's plans." [94]

The pair's urgent pleas failed to move the members of the war-party. Things remained at a stalemate until the thirtieth of May. As Villieu prepared to return home, however, he came upon an Indian who had accompanied Madockawando to Pemaquid. In return for the tobacco and drink Villieu provided, this Indian revealed certain aspects of the meeting not known earlier. It seems that the unidentified Indian had accompanied Madockawando and Edgermett aboard an English frigate at anchor in the harbor. On the ship, they were met by Sir William Phips with whom they dined. As the men feasted and drank, Madockawando agreed to sell large tracts of tribal land. Then, to seal the agreement, the two chiefs, together with Phips, threw a hatchet into the sea. In this manner, the hatchet was buried where no descendant could recover it." [95]

In this news lay the salvation of the expedition. Villieu went immediately to Thury and told him the Indian's story. As soon as a letter from Father Bigot had arrived confirming the land sale, Thury informed Taxous. Taxous had long been jealous of the prestige that Madockawando commanded. According to Villieu, Thury's attempt to capitalize on Taxous' jealousy "had a wonderful effect." [96]Selling tribal land to the enemy without consulting the other chiefs was an unthinkable insult. Enraged, Taxous decried Madockawando and his treaty. The young warriors again caught the fire of war. Preparations began at once to return to Passadumkeag. From there the warriors would set out on the war-path.

On June 7, the party left Pentagoet heading up the Penobscot. While shooting a rapid on the ninth, Villieu's canoe capsized. Villieu flayed about in the cold rushing water until he managed to reach the overturned canoe. Clinging desperately, he was able to hang on until he hit his head against a rock. Dazed, Villieu let go and was dashed against rocks as he was swept down stream. Unconscious, Villieu was eventually fished out of the river and carried the rest of the way to Passadumkeag.

By the time they reached the Penobscot village, Villieu had been overcome by a fever, which incapacitated him until the fourteenth. [97]During this time, Thury continued to advocate the persecution of Madockawando. Since the incident at Pen tagoet, Madockawando and his clan had been subjected to every manner of taunt and insult. Still, Madockawando stubbornly refused to break the peace. On June 18, the first of two councils was held to determine a target. Disregarding the decision made by the Indians at the Pentagoet council in April, Villieu promoted his own choice. When he did not receive the answer he sought, Villieu concluded the council in disagreement. The following day, a second council was held, which concluded in the same manner as the first. [98]

Following this second council, a grand feast was held. There was dancing and singing, with the Indians' favorite dish of roast dog as the main entree. It was during this celebration that Madockawando's resolve would waver and break. He and his family had become the target of cruel jeers and hurled meat bones. Added to this was the constant pressure exerted by Thury, reinforced by years of religious indoctrination. [99]Bowing to the pressure, Madockawando acquiesced and joined the war-party. In deference to Madockawando's wishes, the departure of the war-party was postponed for one day. On June 21, 1694, they set out on the last leg of the journey to Oyster River. [100]

The thirtieth of June found the war-party approaching the area around Pemaquid. While the main body continued on toward the Kennebec River, Villieu and three Indians made their way to Fort William Henry. Villieu disguised himself as an Indian and procured a bundle of furs. The four then entered the fort presumably to trade. While his compatriots bartered with the officers, Villieu made a careful inspection of the works and, in his own words, "made a most satisfactory plan." [101]When finished, he quietly slipped back into the woods to await the others. After a time, Villieu began to get impatient. He fired a pistol in an attempt to recall the tardy trio. The English officers, suspecting treachery, seized the three Indians. Somehow, the captives managed to convince the fort's commandant of their innocence. "On leaving the fort they went to find the Sr. de Villieu, upon whom one of them fell, giving him a very severe beating." [102]While the information that Villieu obtained proved valuable in a later campaign, it is unclear whether or not he wished to attack the fort at this time. What is clear is that the Indians had no desire to do so and the beating administered to Villieu left little doubt as to who was leading the war-party.

While Villieu scouted the fort at Pemaquid, the main body of Indians entered the Kennebec River and traveled downstream toward its mouth. At the Kennebec village of Amasaquonte, a short distance above Norridgewock, several of the Kennebec chiefs and warriors prepared to join the war-party. Hezekiah Miles, known to the English as Hector, was a friendly Indian in the employ of the Massachusetts militia. Hector had been captured in the 1691 raid on Berwick (Maine) and was being held at Amasaquonte at the time of this gathering. In a 1695 deposition, Hector described what transpired: "two or three days before they intended to set out they kild and boyled several dogs and held a Feast, where was present Egermet, Bomaseen (Bomazeen), Warumbee, Ahasombomet, with divers other of the chief among them. They discoursed of falling upon Oyster River and Groton, and Bomaseen was to command one of the companies." [103]

Young Bomazeen, a minor chief of the Kennebecs, played a significant role in the formation of the war-party and in the attack itself. Bomazeen had signed the Treaty of Pemaquid in 1693. Acting as an emissary of goodwill, he had traveled to Boston several times during the winter of 1693 to 1694. In late November, Bomazeen was thrown in prison by the order of the Lt. Governor of Massachusetts, where he stayed until midDecember. He was eventually released, but was committed twice more in January and March. [104]Angered by this treatment, Bomazeen became a major proponent of an attack on the English. During the feast at Amasaquonte, the young chief was honored by being given command of a contingent of warriors for the coming attack.